Two for the price of one was the way I got into Sedbergh School. My parents couldn’t afford to send either myself or Chris to a boarding school like that, but Chris was offered an assisted place because of his rugby. He told the headmaster he had a younger brother and that if he wanted him he had to take the both of us, so my chance to start my rugby career came along because of Chris.I was an average player just holding my place when I played for the Sedbergh first team a year young, but then I decided to run the ball and get some confidence.I was lucky to come under the coaching of Neil Rollings at Sedbergh. I remember Chris telling me to watch and listen very closely to everything that Neil said, and he was right.A non-kicking fly-half is how I went into my final year at Sedbergh and Phil Dowson (now at Northampton) was my captain. We had a great time running it from our own 22 and scoring tries, all under Neil’s leadership. It’s no surprise I get on with coaches like Brian Ashton and Tosh Askew because they’re on the same wavelength as Neil.I had no idea I could make it in the game until that final year. I played for Yorkshire, the North and England at age-group level.A few clubs were at a North of England match against the Midlands at Loughborough and spoke to me about signing for them, but I quickly decided on life in the West Country, signing for Gloucester a few months before I left school. Audley Lumsden was the scout for them and Philippe Saint-André the coach when I made the decision to sign.A one-club man is unusual in the professional era, but since walking through the gates at Kingsholm I’ve loved the place and the people. When I was at school I didn’t think you could have a whole city devoted to rugby, but we have it here. The fans at Gloucester are some of the most passionate you’ll find and I love that. They live and breathe rugby.Injuries haven’t been as bad for me as most people think but it’s been their timing that has killed me. I’ve picked up random injuries at the wrong time, although I haven’t had that for a while. At the moment every time I flick on teletext I seem to see another player out for three months.I take rejection pretty hard when I don’t make squads and tend to be my own worst critic. I take it better now, but that doesn’t mean I don’t care. Phil Vickery has been a constant source of good advice. He told me never to look at the negatives and the ‘what ifs’. You can’t live your life that way. One club man – James Simpson-DanielFrom the start I loved rugby. I was four when I first headed to Middlesbrough RFC for mini rugby, following my older brother, Chris, there. In the garden I was forced into the outside-half spot. I had no choice really, as Chris was a scrum-half so he insisted on firing countless passes at me. When I was eight we decided that if we were going to play for England together one of us had to move from the No 9 shirt. I’ve made some incredible friendships through rugby. I was best man for Josh Frape and Nick Southern (both ex-Gloucester players). Mike Tindall and Nicky Robinson are godparents to my son, George, and I was an usher at Phil Vickery’s wedding.‘Are you retiring?’ is what most people say to me when I tell them I’m having a benefit year, but I’m only 28 and in my 11th season at the club.Horse racing is a real passion of mine off the field. I’m president of the 18-24 Club at Cheltenham, set up to attract young people to racing, and I own a horse with Mike Tindall and Nicky Robinson called Monbeg Dude. In November I kicked off my testimonial year (sinbadsbenefityear.bigbrainevents.co.uk) with the staging of the Sinbad Testimonial Chase at Cheltenham.Did you know? James has his older brother, Chris, to thank for his nickname ‘Sinbad’. Chris was called Sinbad after the character in TV soap Brookside and the moniker was then passed down to the Gloucester man.Name: James Simpson-DanielPosition: CentreAge: 28 (30 May 1982)Born: Stockton-on-TeesThis article appeared in the February 2011 issue of Rugby World Magazine.Find a newsagent that sells Rugby World in the UK LATEST RUGBY WORLD MAGAZINE SUBSCRIPTION DEALS Or perhaps you’d like a digital version of the magazine delivered direct to your PC, MAC or Ipad? If so click here. For Back Issues Contact John Denton Services at 01733-385-170 visit
Rector Belleville, IL Ya no son extranjeros: Un diálogo acerca de inmigración Una conversación de Zoom June 22 @ 7 p.m. ET Rector Hopkinsville, KY Featured Events Rector Pittsburgh, PA New Berrigan Book With Episcopal Roots Cascade Books Associate Priest for Pastoral Care New York, NY TryTank Experimental Lab and York St. John University of England Launch Survey to Study the Impact of Covid-19 on the Episcopal Church TryTank Experimental Lab Presiding Bishop Michael Curry, Executive Council members walk slowly through the National Memorial for Peace and Justice in Montgomery, Alabama, on Oct. 19, 2019. Photo: David Paulsen/Episcopal News Service[Episcopal News Service – Montgomery, Alabama] The Episcopal Church of the Good Shepherd, a small, mostly African American congregation in this city’s Centennial Hill neighborhood, has just eight rows of pews. All of them were filled. Members of The Episcopal Church’s Executive Council were joined by parishioners, all eager to hear from their guest of honor, Bryan Stevenson.Stevenson, a prominent death row and public interest attorney, is arguably the reason Executive Council chose Montgomery for its fall meeting. His Equal Justice Initiative opened the Legacy Museum and the National Memorial for Peace and Justice last year in Alabama’s capital city to tell the full story of America’s 400-year history of racial violence and terrorism. Those new institutions, as well as Montgomery’s historic ties to the civil rights movement, have turned the city into a popular pilgrimage destination for Episcopalians and others committed to racial reconciliation.On this afternoon, Stevenson, 59, said he wanted to talk about memory. He began by relating a story from his childhood about feeling the sting of racism growing up black in segregated southern Delaware, but he quickly broadened his point beyond the personal, beyond the regional.Bryan Stevenson, author of the bestseller “Just Mercy,” speaks to the Executive Council members on Oct. 19, 2019, at Church of the Good Shepherd in Montgomery, Alabama. Photo: David Paulsen/Episcopal News Service“We’ve actually made it very easy in this country to forget our history of racial injustice,” Stevenson said, and yet the nation is still burdened by that history, by false narratives that have long gone unexamined and that continue to perpetuate racist systems. “I don’t think slavery ended in 1865. It just evolved.”Stevenson’s afternoon presentation at Good Shepherd capped Executive Council’s daylong pilgrimage Oct. 19, which featured visits to the Equal Justice Initiative’s museum and memorial. With Montgomery as the backdrop of Executive Council’s four-day fall meeting, racial reconciliation is a core theme.Executive Council took up that theme from the start. Morning Prayer on its opening day, Oct. 18, included the church’s Litany of Repentance and its acknowledgement that the sin of racism “is woven into our lives and our cultures.”Diane Pollard, in her Morning Prayer homily, noted that she and other members of Executive Council prepared for this meeting in Montgomery by reading Stevenson’s book “Just Mercy” and participating in two webinars. In one, the Rev. Kelly Brown Douglas, dean of Episcopal Divinity School at Union Theological Seminary in New York, spoke of the need for moral leadership in the world. A second webinar featured Catherine Meeks, executive director of the Absalom Jones Center for Racial Healing in the Diocese of Atlanta.Meeks advised that pilgrimages should be more than mere field trips. “They should be transformative, and we should not return home the way we came,” said Pollard, a lay member from the Diocese of New York.What should the members bring home with them from their experience learning about the country’s past? “It is my hope that we will bring back with us the memories of not only what happened but the present-day effect it continues to have on our people,” Pollard said during Morning Prayer.Alabama Bishop Kee Sloan welcomes Executive Council to Montgomery on Oct. 18, 2019, the opening night of the four-day meeting. Photo: David Paulsen/Episcopal News ServiceAlabama Bishop Kee Sloan joined Executive Council at dinner on Oct. 18 and offered a brief welcome, as well as a preview of what to expect at the Equal Justice Institute’s museum and memorial.“In some museums you just walk through and you’re done,” Sloan said. “I hope that you will take some time to let it soak in – what you are seeing and what you are feeling. It is an incredibly evocative experience, and I hope you will take the time to sit with it a while. Don’t mess it up with too many words. Just let it soak in.”On the morning of the pilgrimage, a hard rain fell as members of Executive Council, several carrying umbrellas, walked the few blocks from the Embassy Suites Montgomery Hotel and Conference Center to the Legacy Museum, which is located on the former site of a slave warehouse and holding pen. Heeding Sloan’s advice, the group spent more than an hour slowly pacing among the museum’s exhibits detailing the brutal inhumanities that, the museum argues, have formed the bitter core of the American experience.By 1860, 4 million blacks were enslaved in the United States, including nearly 24,000 in Montgomery alone.“Montgomery, Alabama, was among the most prominent and active slave-trading places in America,” one museum display noted, because of the city’s central location on the Alabama River and a railroad line. There were more slave-trading spaces in the city than there were churches or hotels.Newspaper ads offering “Negros for Sale” and seeking runaway slaves, “$200 Reward,” are displayed floor to ceiling in the Legacy Museum, and similar displays confront the visitor with examples of continued credence in white supremacy after slavery was abolished. Quotes defending segregation are attributed to a range of prominent white leaders, from governors and senators to a clergy member.A central premise of the Legacy Museum – as Stevenson reiterated in his speech – is that a false narrative of racial inferiority was used to justify Native genocide and slavery and to ease white Americans’ feelings of guilt, and “that ideology has endured beyond the formal abolition of American slavery,” according to one of the exhibits at the museum.It endured through the post-Reconstruction rise of lynchings – or, as the Legacy Museum describes them, “racial terror lynchings.” The Equal Justice Initiative has documented more than 4,000 lynchings across 12 Southern states, as well as several hundred more such attacks in other states including in the North, that occurred from 1877 to 1950.The Equal Justice Initiative also looks beyond that period of violence to portray ways that today’s system of mass incarceration is rooted in the same distorted narrative, with black citizens often perceived unjustly as criminals and punished more frequently and more severely by the criminal justice system than white citizens.The Episcopal Church, backed by General Convention resolutions, has taken up the cause of ending mass incarceration as part of its racial reconciliation work, and it also has acknowledged its own history of complicity in racist systems. Such faith-based efforts are a crucial part of the push for systemic change, the Legacy Museum suggests in a final display, which prompts visitors to consider how to take action with what they’ve learned.“Do churches and people of faith have a special obligation to address the history of racial inequality?” the exhibit asks.At the center of the Episcopal Church’s work on these issues is the Becoming Beloved Community framework, released nearly three years ago to encourage and assist congregations and Episcopalians in engaging in difficult conversations about racism and racial healing. One part of that framework is “telling the truth,” which also is central to the mission of the Equal Justice Initiative’s museum and memorial, said Joe McDaniel, one of three guides during Executive Council’s pilgrimage.McDaniel, a retired attorney from Pensacola, Florida, serves as co-chair with Gary Moore of the Commission on Racial Justice and Reconciliation in the Diocese of the Central Gulf Coast, which includes the southern portion of Alabama. To lead Executive Council’s pilgrimage, they teamed up with the Rev. Carolyn Foster, a deacon from the Diocese of Alabama and co-chair of that diocese’s racial reconciliation commission.Presiding Bishop Michael Curry on Oct. 19, 2019, looks up at one of the columns hanging at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice in Montgomery, Alabama. The steel columns memorialize the victims of lynching from 1877 to 1950, with each column representing an American county where at least one of the attacks occurred. Photo: David Paulsen/Episcopal News ServiceIt was McDaniel’s fifth time leading a reconciliation pilgrimage to Montgomery since December 2018. His first visit to the Legacy Museum and the National Memorial for Peace and Justice was in April of that year, around the time the two sites opened, and it proved to be a particularly difficult experience for him.“It was overwhelming,” McDaniel said. “I actually had to leave early. I broke down in tears, just witnessing man’s inhumanity to each other.”The memorial is intended to honor all of the more than 4,000 lynching victims in the country, some named and some whose identity is unknown. On a hill overlooking downtown Montgomery, a series of steel columns hang in rows around a green square. Each column represents a county where the Equal Justice Initiative has confirmed at least one lynching occurred. The victims are listed on the columns.The Executive Council members ascended the hill to the memorial’s starting point. As they began passing between the columns, they were able to examine them at eye level. But as they proceeded, they followed a path downward, so that the columns further along the path were suspended higher and higher overhead – invoking the sight of victims hanging dead.The Equal Justice Initiative also created duplicate columns for each of the more than 800 counties and laid them on the grounds of the memorial, inviting each county to claim and display its column as an act of confronting, acknowledging and remembering its history. Few counties have done so yet.The Episcopal Church of the Good Shepherd is located in Montgomery’s historically black Centennial Hill neighborhood. Photo: David Paulsen/Episcopal News Service“You can’t have reconciliation until you have truth,” Stevenson told Executive Council members later that day, after they had traveled by bus and van to Good Shepherd. Stevenson also urged them not to lose hope in the face of such injustices.Presiding Bishop Michael Curry preaches Oct. 20, 2019, at St. John’s Episcopal Church in downtown Montgomery, Alabama. Photo: David Paulsen/Episcopal News Service“Hopelessness is the enemy of justice,” Stevenson said. “Our hope is critical to our capacity to change the world.”The following morning, on Oct. 20, Presiding Bishop Michael Curry referred to Stevenson’s “words of wisdom and his words of hope for us all” in his sermon during the Eucharist at St. John’s Episcopal Church in downtown Montgomery. A large crowd, easily topping a hundred, had packed the nave of the church.Curry, as he often does in his sermons, emphasized the theme of God’s love and assured his listeners that Jesus had shown the way of love.“There is one God who created us all, and if we come from one source, you know what that means – we’re all kinfolk,” Curry said. “We are all the children of God. We can learn to live together. We can learn to build life together. … We can learn to build a new world.”– David Paulsen is an editor and reporter for Episcopal News Service. He can be reached at [email protected] Curate (Associate & Priest-in-Charge) Traverse City, MI Rector (FT or PT) Indian River, MI Join the Episcopal Diocese of Texas in Celebrating the Pauli Murray Feast Online Worship Service June 27 Canon for Family Ministry Jackson, MS Episcopal Migration Ministries’ Virtual Prayer Vigil for World Refugee Day Facebook Live Prayer Vigil June 20 @ 7 p.m. ET Virtual Celebration of the Jerusalem Princess Basma Center Zoom Conversation June 19 @ 12 p.m. ET Assistant/Associate Priest Scottsdale, AZ Cathedral Dean Boise, ID Rector Shreveport, LA Executive Council, Press Release Service By David PaulsenPosted Oct 21, 2019 Rector and Chaplain Eugene, OR In-person Retreat: Thanksgiving Trinity Retreat Center (West Cornwall, CT) Nov. 24-28 Episcopal Charities of the Diocese of New York Hires Reverend Kevin W. VanHook, II as Executive Director Episcopal Charities of the Diocese of New York Remember Holy Land Christians on Jerusalem Sunday, June 20 American Friends of the Episcopal Diocese of Jerusalem Rector Martinsville, VA Director of Administration & Finance Atlanta, GA AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to PrintFriendlyPrintFriendlyShare to FacebookFacebookShare to TwitterTwitterShare to EmailEmailShare to MoreAddThis Racial Justice & Reconciliation Executive Council October 2019, Curate Diocese of Nebraska Associate Rector Columbus, GA Submit an Event Listing Submit a Job Listing Advocacy Peace & Justice, Rector Albany, NY Priest-in-Charge Lebanon, OH Director of Music Morristown, NJ Inaugural Diocesan Feast Day Celebrating Juneteenth San Francisco, CA (and livestream) June 19 @ 2 p.m. PT Rector/Priest in Charge (PT) Lisbon, ME Tags Submit a Press Release Pilgrimage connects racism to America’s core, focusing Executive Council’s work for change Family Ministry Coordinator Baton Rouge, LA Assistant/Associate Rector Washington, DC Course Director Jerusalem, Israel An Evening with Presiding Bishop Curry and Iconographer Kelly Latimore Episcopal Migration Ministries via Zoom June 23 @ 6 p.m. ET Missioner for Disaster Resilience Sacramento, CA Priest Associate or Director of Adult Ministries Greenville, SC Rector Knoxville, TN Rector Bath, NC Associate Rector for Family Ministries Anchorage, AK Rector Collierville, TN Featured Jobs & Calls This Summer’s Anti-Racism Training Online Course (Diocese of New Jersey) June 18-July 16 Seminary of the Southwest announces appointment of two new full time faculty members Seminary of the Southwest Youth Minister Lorton, VA The Church Investment Group Commends the Taskforce on the Theology of Money on its report, The Theology of Money and Investing as Doing Theology Church Investment Group Rector Tampa, FL The Church Pension Fund Invests $20 Million in Impact Investment Fund Designed to Preserve Workforce Housing Communities Nationwide Church Pension Group Assistant/Associate Rector Morristown, NJ Rector Washington, DC Rector Smithfield, NC Bishop Diocesan Springfield, IL
Please enter your comment! You have entered an incorrect email address! Please enter your email address here Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. TAGSCrimelineOrange County Sheriff’s Office Previous articleU2 coming to Florida in JuneNext articleIs it time to take a second look at Medicinal Marijuana? Denise Connell RELATED ARTICLESMORE FROM AUTHOR Florida gas prices jump 12 cents; most expensive since 2014 Gov. DeSantis says new moment-of-silence law in public schools protects religious freedom LEAVE A REPLY Cancel reply Please enter your name here UF/IFAS in Apopka will temporarily house District staff; saves almost $400,000 Breaking News:REWARD OF UP TO $100,000 FOR INFORMATIONFrom The Orange County Sheriff’s OfficeIf you know the location of the suspect Markeith Loyd, you may be eligible for a reward of up to $100,000. Suspect: Markeith Loyd Armed and extremely dangerous Central Florida Law Enforcement is seeking the location of Markeith Loyd (B/M DOB 10/08/75) in the murders of Sade Dixon and Orlando Police Master Sergeant Debra Clayton. Anyone with information concerning the location Markeith Loyd is urged to call Crimeline, you will remain anonymous.Anyone with information is urged to call Crimeline at 800-423-TIPS. If your information leads to an arrest you may be eligible for a reward of up to $100,000.No Caller ID /No Recorders/ No Hassles Share on Facebook Tweet on Twitter
ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/471537/private-house-iii-cootar Clipboard Save this picture!© Miguel de Guzmán+ 26 Share Private House III / COOTAR ArchDaily Architects: COOTAR Area Area of this architecture project Year: “COPY” Spain “COPY” Photographs CopyHouses•Madrid, Spain photographs: Miguel de GuzmánPhotographs: Miguel de GuzmánInterior Design:Tomas AlíaSurface Plot:10.000 m2Design Team:Federico Sotomayor, Carlos Gomez Zorrilla, Juan Fernandez, Gabriel FernandezCity:MadridCountry:SpainMore SpecsLess SpecsSave this picture!© Miguel de GuzmánRecommended ProductsLouvers / ShuttersBruagShading Screens – Perforated Facade PanelsLouvers / ShuttersTechnowoodSunshade SystemsLouvers / ShuttersRabel Aluminium SystemsElectric Folding Shading System – Rabel 14000Louvers / ShuttersLunawoodThermowood Battens Save this picture!3D ModelSingle and singular house located in a residential area of high standing. It features innovative materials and construction solutions to create a contemporary and exclusive property.Save this picture!© Miguel de GuzmánThe property is built through repetition and serialization of five volumes, which are articulated in the middle, through the main corridor of the house. The morphology of the house responds to a topography with a slope descending into the movement area, integrating in a simple way the slope of the plot.Save this picture!© Miguel de GuzmánInterior with a clearly horizontal, is enrique spatially by a set of levels and heights that saves the slope of the plot and segregates uses housing interior.Save this picture!© Miguel de GuzmánThe main access to the property is under a large canopy through one longitudinal patios. The different rooms of the house are housed in five pieces placed horizontally parallel strips connected by a large central axis and are separated from each other by creating longitudinal patios.Save this picture!© Miguel de GuzmánFormally, the property is written with two different languages outwards. By using the lattice house opens onto the garden establishing a system of solar control and protection that allows incorporating the garden inside the house.Save this picture!Main ElevationOn the opposite side to the main entrance of the dwelling, a look of travertine and opaque states low permeability volumes, expressing solid shapes. The same travertine facade, evening shows his ability to step permeability letting light interior lighting.Save this picture!© Miguel de GuzmánConstructive solutions that have been used in this property , expressing the great quality and the uniqueness of the house. Solutions incorporate facades, and metallic mesh, or travertine wall belonging to types such as offices or public buildings. Large windows allows to open facades housing outward easily, despite being a large format.This combined with more consistent interior materials for housing as the Thassos white marble in large size results in a suggestive and innovative proposal .Project gallerySee allShow lessThe Japanese Tsunami – 3 Years LaterArchitecture NewsTesistan Warehouse / CoA arquitectura + Estudio Macias PeredoSelected Projects Share Private House III / COOTARSave this projectSavePrivate House III / COOTAR ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/471537/private-house-iii-cootar Clipboard Year: Area: 1975 m² Area: 1975 m² Year Completion year of this architecture project Houses 2010 2010 Projects CopyAbout this officeCOOTAROfficeFollowProductsSteelStoneConcrete#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousesMadridHousesSpainPublished on January 30, 2014Cite: “Private House III / COOTAR” 30 Jan 2014. ArchDaily. Accessed 11 Jun 2021.
“COPY” Houses Photographs: Mito Covarrubias & Alejandro Elorriaga Manufacturers Brands with products used in this architecture project ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/895212/san-house-juan-ignacio-castiello-arquitectos Clipboard ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/895212/san-house-juan-ignacio-castiello-arquitectos Clipboard Year: Architects: Juan Ignacio Castiello Arquitectos Area Area of this architecture project Mexico CopyHouses•Zapopan, Mexico SAN House / Juan Ignacio Castiello Arquitectos Save this picture!© Mito Covarrubias & Alejandro Elorriaga+ 20Curated by Danae Santibañez Share 2017 Area: 1035 m² Year Completion year of this architecture project SAN House / Juan Ignacio Castiello ArquitectosSave this projectSaveSAN House / Juan Ignacio Castiello Arquitectos Photographs “COPY” CopyAbout this officeJuan Ignacio Castiello ArquitectosOfficeFollowProductsWoodStoneConcrete#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousesZapopanMexicoPublished on July 13, 2018Cite: “SAN House / Juan Ignacio Castiello Arquitectos” [Casa SAN / Juan Ignacio Castiello Arquitectos] 13 Jul 2018. ArchDaily. Accessed 11 Jun 2021.
In Alabama and nationwide, protests continue against the death in police custody of Kindra Darnell Chapman, a Black teenager who died in Homewood City Jail on July 14 under suspicious circumstances. The Homewood police allege Chapman committed suicide after being arrested, but major discrepancies and omissions remain in the official narrative.Homewood, a suburb of Birmingham, includes the predominantly Black community of Rosedale. According to local Black Lives Matter activists, the Homewood police have a history of “questionable excessive force incidents” in Rosedale. A life-long community resident described the jail as “a hell-hole.”These Birmingham Black Lives Matter activists were arrested protesting Kindra Chapman’s death.In addition to racist targeting by the police, residents point out that police also harass the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer community. According to a friend of Chapman, Juwaun King, 16, Chapman identified as gay from the seventh grade on. King said Chapman planned to go to college, was in a relationship with a woman who was pregnant and was “very excited about the baby — very.” King says the official account “doesn’t make sense, period. And I decided I have to speak up.” (america.aljazeera.com, July 23)A BLM-Birmingham delegation rallied outside the jail July 21 to demand information and transparency from the police. After being denied any briefing, even about standard police operating procedures, they walked into traffic on the major commuter artery, U.S. 31, blocked cars and refused to move. Four men and two women were arrested. One was Tasered by police.In New York City, a July 22 march for justice for Kindra Chapman and Sandra Bland, dead in police custody in Texas, drew 1,000 people and continued for hours. Protesters also marched for India Clarke, a trans woman of color murdered in Florida on July 21.Local activists from Operation I Am, an offshoot of the Hands Up Birmingham movement, held a candlelight vigil for Chapman on July 26. About 100 people attended and heard from Linda Chapman, Kindra’s grandmother. Linda Chapman and her spouse, who raised Kindra, had previously held a press conference with BLM and the Nation of Islam to stress they did not believe their grandchild’s death was suicide, especially given the Homewood Police Department’s history.‘Jailhouse suicide’: new code for jailhouse lynching?Determined and independent reports by local BLM activists have uncovered numerous discrepancies in the Homewood police account of Chapman’s death and raised many troubling questions: Had the police repeatedly targeted Chapman previously for harassment? What, when and where were the actual circumstances of her arrest on July 14?Most importantly, what were the police doing with Chapman in custody for apparently “a missing forty-five minutes” between the arrest and the arrival at the jail?Avee-Ashanti Shabazz, a BLM activist video-reporting from Homewood, asks of that missing time, “Was she beaten? Was she tortured? Was she raped?”In 1975, Joann Little, a 21-year-old African American, was arrested in Beaufort, N.C., for a petty offense similar to that of Kindra Chapman. Little’s combative struggle with her white jailer was all that saved her from rape, and perhaps death.In that fight, her jailer died instead of Little. Through an international campaign for her freedom, she became “the first woman in United States history to be acquitted using the defense that she used deadly force to resist sexual assault.” (“Dimension of Criminal Law,” by T. Pickard et al.)In 2015, Kindra Chapman, a slender, five-foot 18-year-old, may have fought for her life and lost. The bruising and trauma to Chapman’s mouth, eye and head, seen after her death by a 14-year-old sister, speak to this possibility.The police insist “suicide.” But what if “jailhouse suicide” is now the new cover-up term for “jailhouse lynching”?There is a long history of police cooperation with lynchings in the South. Sixty-four percent of early 20th century lynching victims were taken to their death from jails. (“Lynching in the New South,” by W.F. Brundage) Jefferson County, where Homewood is located, was the site of 29 lynchings between 1877 and 1950 — the ninth highest rate of Southern counties. (Equal Justice Initiative)Racism and sexism make Alabama jails a particular hell for women. The state’s Julia Tutwiler Prison for Women is ranked in the top 10 worst U.S. prisons. (Mother Jones, May 9, 2013) The U.S. Department of Justice found that at least one-third of Tutwiler employees “had sex” with prisoners — rape, under those circumstances.The Homewood police continue to release information selectively and insist that Chapman’s death was by her own hand.But Joanne Little said, “My life is not in the hands of the court. My life is in the hands of the people.” (Workers World, Aug. 8, 1975) The people’s struggle continues to unmask the forces of racism, homophobia and state oppression looming behind Kindra Chapman’s death. Justice for her name and her memory are now in the hands of the people: #KindraLives and #Fight4HerName.FacebookTwitterWhatsAppEmailPrintMoreShare thisFacebookTwitterWhatsAppEmailPrintMoreShare this
Twitter Guidelines for reopening of hospitality sector published Pinterest Facebook Facebook By News Highland – February 9, 2010 Google+ WhatsApp The government and Donegal County Council could be on a legal collision course after it emerged that work on the Greencastle Harbour Project will cease before the month’s end.Notice will be served to staff employed on the project from next week and now questions are being asked as to who is liable for the site in the event of an accident or claim.A cross party delegation of councillors will travel to meet with the department responsible in a last ditch attempt to get the government to reverse its decision to abandon the 32 million euro project.To date just 8.2 million euro has been spent, five of which on a breakwater which may literally wash away. WhatsApp Three factors driving Donegal housing market – Robinson Previous articleMore wind farms could be on the way in scenic areasNext articleSenator says Airport road must be a priority News Highland LUH system challenged by however, work to reduce risk to patients ongoing – Dr Hamilton Pinterest Almost 10,000 appointments cancelled in Saolta Hospital Group this week RELATED ARTICLESMORE FROM AUTHOR News Greencastle project could lead to litigation Twitter Google+ Calls for maternity restrictions to be lifted at LUH Business Matters Ep 45 – Boyd Robinson, Annette Houston & Michael Margey
ColumnsWhy We Can’t Have A ‘Democratic’ Discourse On Death Penalty Karan Tripathi30 May 2020 5:32 AMShare This – xAfter hearing a death sentence for the first time in my life, with my own ears in a court of law, I had trouble returning to the normal course of life over the next several days. I felt like a blunt weight was inside my chest. The moment the presiding judge announced death penalty, death reared its head in the court… The death that appeared in the courtroom took away its…Your free access to Live Law has expiredTo read the article, get a premium account.Your Subscription Supports Independent JournalismSubscription starts from ₹ 599+GST (For 6 Months)View PlansPremium account gives you:Unlimited access to Live Law Archives, Weekly/Monthly Digest, Exclusive Notifications, Comments.Reading experience of Ad Free Version, Petition Copies, Judgement/Order Copies.Subscribe NowAlready a subscriber?LoginAfter hearing a death sentence for the first time in my life, with my own ears in a court of law, I had trouble returning to the normal course of life over the next several days. I felt like a blunt weight was inside my chest. The moment the presiding judge announced death penalty, death reared its head in the court… The death that appeared in the courtroom took away its share.’-Haruki Murakami These words by Murakami were recorded in an interview he gave to a Japanese National Daily after the execution of all the 13 convicts in the AUM Shinkriyo cases. These cases pertained to a sarin gas attack in the subway of Tsukiji station in Tokyo, resulting in the death of multiple people. Murakami had personally attended the trial in these cases, had interviewed the families of the deceased and captured their bereavement in his book titled ‘Underground’. As he spoke of the executions in this interview, while claiming himself to be an abolitionist of death penalty, he displayed a sense of unsettling doubt towards the moratorium on death penalty. If one wonders where such ressentiment towards moratorium on death penalty was stemming from, the answer would lie in Murakami’s emotional overwhelming by the victim oriented narratives about the perceived notion of justice. The atonement for the unfathomable wrong done to Nirbhaya established a Murakami-esque ressentiment in the majority of this country. However, what makes such ressentiment the strongest argument for the moratorium on death penalty as justice is what I’ll be exploring in this article. In order to begin, the answer is teased by Murakami himself in the said interview: there is supposed to be a fundamental difference in meaning between one human being killing another, and the system, or institution, killing a human being. Unlike other policy decisions, it is extremely antithetical to the purpose of justice to hold a public discourse or a democratic referendum on death penalty. Out of the many reasons for the same, I’ll be primarily focusing on three: First, there is a significant information asymmetry that exists regarding the actual process of carrying out death penalty, from the date of sentencing to the actual execution. Second, the government’s understanding regarding ‘democratic’ discourse on death penalty is myopic as its limits itself only to principles of representative democracy, and not liberal and legal democracy. Third, examples from many countries have shown that moratorium on death penalty can be brought about through executive will even if the public opinion is towards retaining capital punishment. My coverage of the Nirbhaya rape case exposed me to various practices, both in the executive and the judiciary, that insulates the process of death penalty from transparency. For instance, when the execution order was first announced to the convicts through video conferencing, the media was deliberately asked by the concerned judge to exit the courtroom. After that, media persons were never allowed to witness this process of communicating the execution order to the convicts, which seals their fate in the eyes of law. This argument becomes significant because the order to evacuate the media from the courtroom was ordered only after one of the convicts raised a point of prejudicial propaganda against him. Media could never witness as to whether this concern was addressed by the court or not while communicating or deciding the execution order. On many occasions, state moved applications for fresh death warrants in such a hurry that it didn’t even ensure that procedural protections were being complied with or not. At times, the state didn’t even ensure that the convicts were adequately represented through a counsel as they pushed for a bizarre demand of an ex-parte issuance of death warrant. There were applications from the defence that pointed out that procedural protections such as communication of rejection of the mercy plea, and allowing convicts to have a meeting with their counsels, were not implemented by the Tihar authorities. These procedural violations led to nothing more than a moral rapping from the judge; ‘Please ensure that this shall not happen again’, the judge used to say before continuing with business as usual. Lack of information and transparency regarding the state of the death convicts as well as the procedure of death penalty was also reflected by the mechanical denial of the prison authorities to let media conduct an interview with the convicts. There was no reasonable or rational justification given for such a denial, and even the courts refused to intervene substantially. If such lack of transparency and information asymmetry can exist with a case as popular as Nirbhaya’s, one can only imagine the degree of secrecy that shrouds cases of other death row convicts. What aggravates this lack of transparency as a mode of injustice is the political propaganda of the state. The matter of hanging Nirbhaya’s convicts no longer revolved around effectuating justice. Public interviews, press conferences, and PILs seeking change in death penalty law to ease the process of execution, all suggested political motives undertaken to get gains in the Delhi legislative assembly elections. This information asymmetry is closely connected, and often precedes, the government claiming retention of death penalty as a ‘democratic’ sentiment. This claim appropriates a certain meaning associated with the word ‘democracy’ and then exploits it to serve a political discourse which is anything but democratic. The word democracy cannot be conflated with the idea of ‘majoritarianism’. This also appears in the classification provided by Professor DT Johnson while differentiating between representative, participative, liberal and legal democracy. The Indian Constitution, while making our polity a representative democracy, also emphasises immensely on the inculcating of a legal democracy, where Rule of Law is paramount. As it becomes apparent from the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court from over the years, Indian legal and political system has also imbibed the values of a liberal democracy – which advances values such as dignity, liberty, equality, and most importantly, the right to life. The discourse on death penalty, as it exists today and where’s it headed, conveniently ignores the principles of legal and liberal democracy. It attempts to silence values that protect right to life and abolition of state killing with the jingoism of societal clamour. Even if it claims to be representative, one might argue, it doesn’t fulfill the criteria of informed participation as operation of death penalty is shrouded with secrecy, and the death row convicts are systematically dehumanised by using this secretive state narrative. One of the major critiques of a purely participative discourse on capital punishment comes from a psychoanalytic perspective. As it also appears from Murakami’s article, that the belief that death is deserved for certain heinous offences is more a matter of emotion and intuition than reason or evidence. This observation also appears in Dr Tali Sharot’s book, ‘The Influential Mind: What The Brain Reveals About Our Power To Change Others’. She says: Providing more information about capital punishment is unlikely to alter habits of the heart, for humans are adept at ignoring contrary evidence and discounting and denying its significance. Politically motivated governments systematically control the discourse on capital punishment and frustrates the democratic values through information asymmetry that is created from such a discourse. This has been recognised by many states across the world. More than 140 countries have abolished the death penalty in law or have gone more than 10 years in a row without an execution; yet in none of these countries did the change result from majority public opinion pushing for reform. Andrew Hammal, in his book ‘Ending The Death Penalty: The European Experience’, states that the straightest road to abolition often involves bypassing public opinion entirely. As observed by Prof Sangmin Bae, in South Korea and Taiwan, execution as punishment ceased primarily because political leaders wanted to stop this form of political killing, even though public opinion favours retaining death penalty. Therefore, in India, the policy on death penalty cannot establish itself on the problematic ground of participative democracy. The process of carrying of death penalty in this country, and how institutions use it as a language to propagate political ideologies and motives, renders an ideal democratic discourse on capital punishment an impossibility. If the state of affairs continue to remain unchanged, or as the developments suggest, they’re going to get worse, the solution has to come from a non-participative source which, comparatively, has the least polarising political motives. As much as it might count as an unpopular opinion, this legal discourse should come from the judiciary. A movement towards moratorium on death penalty is a long one, and it must address all the aspects and stakeholders of criminal justice system. However, addressing the issues can’t be subjected to factors that lead to impossibility of justice. Subscribe to LiveLaw, enjoy Ad free version and other unlimited features, just INR 599 Click here to Subscribe. All payment options available.loading….Next Story